Eight Years Later: Remembering Mohamed Bouazizi

Posted on December 17, 2018

​The Arab Spring, the new constitution of 2014, the right of Tunisian Muslim women to marry non-Muslims and to inherit as much as men, it all began with the self-immolation of street vendor Mohamed Bouazizi, which mobilized the attention of an entire nation. While I would never consider encouraging anyone to set themselves on fire to help further the cause of their societies, the question of whether and how such an act helped Tunisia remains. The short answer is that self-immolation alone does not guarantee improved social or political conditions. After Bouazizi's self-sacrifice, a "Werther effect" could be observed in the Arab world. At least 10 individuals are known to have followed the example of Bouazizi in Algeria, Egypt, and Mauretania, and yet the Arab Spring has not been able to bring about significant change in those countries. Egypt’s revolution is a remote dream, Algeria re-elected its ailing president Bouteflika in 2014, and Mauretania? Mauretania‘s peaceful mass protestations have been called the “overlooked” Arab Spring already in 2012. It does not appear that anyone has looked at that country again. To cite an example from a very different part of the world, over 140 Tibetans have self-immolated since 2009, and yet Tibet is as far from independence as ever. So, Bouazizi’s sacrifice did not pave the way for Tunisia’s democracy? Paradoxically, it did. It galvanized the support of an entire nation although Bouazizi did not make a political statement. He did not call for a revolution nor did he ask for a change in government. He also did not go on a rampage in an attempt to create the highest possible damage. Neither did religion play a role in his decision, which is why he was not called a shahid (a martyr). In response to self-burning as a form of social protest, the venerable al-Azhar University in Cairo issued a fatwa reminding fellow-Muslims that Islam forbids suicide. How-ever, this did not echo the views of all Muslim scholars. For instance, Yusuf al-Qaradawi indicated that self-immolators are driven by social injustice and that it is, therefore, the rulers of their countries who are responsible for their death.

One cannot help but wonder if it is a coincidence that North African migrants who make the perilous journey to Europe on make-shift boats are called ‘harraqa' (the burners). The metaphor lends itself to an interpretation that says escape from dictatorships is not only performed to improve one's circumstances but that it is also a form of social protest. To go back to Bouazizi, his self-immolation was an expression of personal despair indicating that the system in which he lived had deprived him of a way out. Moreover, it had insulted and stripped him of his dignity. The term used in North Africa to describe this offense is hoqra (utter contempt). Tunisians of all colors reacted to the lack of respect suffered by Bouazizi. Without any doubt, the street vendor from Sidi Bouzid was the catalyst of the Jasmine Revolution but what made it succeed was a pre-existing social glue and a culture in which citizens did not define themselves solely on the basis of ethnicity, language, and religion. Tunisians consider themselves the heirs of many civilizations. The language they use on a daily basis is an Arabic dialect that preserves the phonetic habits and substantial vocabulary of North Africa's native Kabyls, and also a great number of French words and expressions. Tunsi, as the Tunisian dialect is called, is linguistically speaking, a beloved multi-hybrid reflective of the land's culture, past and present. Not surprisingly, the formula used in the lengthy negotiations that led to re-elections in Tunisia in 2013 was one where no party was banned from the public life. The understanding was that for as long as all parties were dedicated to the well-being of the nation, all voices deserved to be heard. And that is what democracy is all about.

​A main square in Tunis previously called November 7 (the date Ben Ali took power in 1987) has been renamed after Mohamed Bouazizi. Many more Tunisian cities and towns honor the memory of the street vendor who became the country’s iconic figure. More significantly, Arab media refer to Bouazizi as a “sacrificer” which introduces a new category for the individual who suffered injustice but did not react with aggression against fellow human beings or institutions. Instead, Bouazizi turned violence against himself as the only way he knew to protest without bringing harm to others. In an age where terrorism continues to kill the innocent, his example stands out as an expression of personal integrity well beyond the borders of his native country. He certainly comes across as an endearing figure to the author of this blog.